I wish he hadn’t been so dismissive of her point about community ties. Unless there is complete integration, the average racial composition of neighborhoods where whites live differs from the average racial composition of neighborhoods lived in by blacks, by Hispanics, or by other groups. Measuring America's People, Places, and Economy. There’s enough there, but it can’t be resolved with a class-action lawsuit because nobody would have standing to pursue such a lawsuit. continue to decentralize. I’ve been surprised. We interviewed Nikole Hannah-Jones at the end of 2017, and because we’re a housing-focused magazine, we wanted to know about the ways in which her area of research and investigation was affected by housing [segregation]. Schools today are more segregated by race than they have been for any time in the last 45 years, and the reason they’re segregated is that the neighborhoods in which they’re located are segregated. This architecture of segregation was both calculated and widespread. The exclusivity of those suburbs needs to be addressed in order to create integration of the displaced families from the gentrifying areas, and we’re not addressing it. This was the case just a few short days after our interview when he spoke at Monarch Housing’s Color of Law Forum at Seton Hall Law School. Considering all black families, 48 percent have lived in poor neighborhoods over at least two generations, compared to 7 percent of white families. It’s unjustifiable morally. There are sometimes audible gasps in a room as Richard Rothstein talks about his book, The Color of Law, and the United States government’s work to create, encourage, and enforce racial segregation in housing in the 20th century. When the Ferguson events happened, people wondered, “It’s a suburb, how did it become a majority African-American community?” Well, it became a majority African-American community because when urban areas in the city of St. Louis were urban-renewed—today we’d say gentrified—the families who lived there were excluded from most of the St. Louis metropolitan area. We can do it by requiring developers to set aside a share of units for lower-income families. populations, and may be interpreted as the relative share of the of 0 means that a group has a uniform distribution throughout the And if government didn’t create residential segregation, then the Supreme Court has said that we cannot enact explicit policies to desegregate. minority members are exposed only to one another," (Massey and Denton, The only evenness measures to satisfy the four criteria established by James and Taeuber (1985) for an ideal segregation index are the Gini index and the Atkinson index, often used to evaluate inequality. [minority] group members to reside close to the city center, while The isolation index measures "the extent to which It’s impossible to address the health disparities [and] differences in life expectancy between African Americans and whites so long as low-income African Americans are concentrated in neighborhoods where there’s little opportunity. This chapter reviews the reasons for this stubborn race gap, focusing in particular on data showing the extent, causes, and impact of housing segregation and health inequity. I think there’s openness to this discussion, which was started really by the Black Lives Matter movement, but it’s been picked up everywhere. population. With all the documentation that your research has uncovered, is there enough here for a class-action lawsuit against the federal government? People are surprised. You can’t create an integrated neighborhood with large numbers of affluent families and preserve all the existing housing for the low-income families. He discussed American public housing as being primarily being built for white people, but in cases when it was not, buildings within a development were segregated (a noted example being St. Louis’ Pruitt-Igoe housing development—the Pruitt apartments were for Black residents, the Igoe for white residents). Segregation is smallest when majority and minority populations are evenly distributed. "Exposure measures the degree of potential contact, or possibility of Even a brief look at the housing statistics underscores that racial discrimination and disadvantage in housing persist. The Department of Housing and Urban Development found that 94% of the tenants in two public housing structures with a … However, the likelihood of actual encounters and interaction with majority persons should decay rapidly. minority group members to members of the majority group as the centralization compares the areal profile of the majority and minority Previous civil rights [victories] did not occur simply because lawmakers changed their hearts. If the next generation doesn’t learn this history any better than our generations have, they’ll be in as poor a position to remedy it as we’ve been. Of course, many of the advocates of reform focus on trying to preserve a share of housing in the gentrifying neighborhoods for the previous residents. The index equals 0.0 when minority members display the same amount of clustering as the majority, is positive when minorities display greater clustering than the majority, and is negative if they are less clustered than the majority. The second, relative concentration, is measured similarly, but takes account of the distribution of the majority group as well. What are some ways that government at all levels can ensure this? We have white elected Southern politicians demolishing statues that commemorate and celebrated [slavery’s] legacy, actions that would have been inconceivable even five years ago in this country. develop around many of the "multiple nuclei" that also have partially The Fair Housing Act of 1968 theoretically put an end to housing discrimination; however, residential segregation proved to be remarkably persistent (Massey and Denton, 1993:186–216). They’re remaining in single-family homes in exclusively white suburbs. They were excluded because zoning ordinances prohibited the construction of apartments or townhouses, or even single-family homes on small lot sizes. As Massey and A second measure of evenness is the Gini coefficient. This index "expresses the average number of [minority] members in nearby [areal units] as a proportion of the total population in those nearby [areal units]", where distances between areal units are measured from their centroids (Massey and Denton, p. 294). We can’t have an integrated neighborhood that gentrifies without preserving a share of housing. The housing authority settled claims of discrimination for $200,000, which HUD is distributing to victims of the alleged bias, and a commitment to upgrade Black … They made housing issues front-page news, placing stor… And over the long-term, you don’t get greater integration. They are undervalued and underserved, – which is, perhaps, the problem to be solved. While racial segregation was seemingly addressed by the Supreme Court in 1917 and 1948, and by the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Fair Housing Act … She said they [housing and education] go hand-in-hand, but even where there is starting to be more “integration,” —people living next to each other but not necessarily with each other, school integration is in some ways the last frontier. We can try to preserve some housing in those neighborhoods for previous residents. Please check the Privacy Policy of the site you are visiting. This site uses Akismet to reduce spam. The Gini coefficient is "the mean absolute difference between minority proportions weighted across all pairs of areal units, expressed as a proportion of the maximum weighted mean difference" (Massey and Denton, p. 285). If you take a point-in-time snapshot, it looks like these neighborhoods are integrated, but they’re on the way from becoming low-income segregated neighborhoods to upper-income segregated neighborhoods. Nikole Hannah-Jones [is] doing wonderful work in this area [and] there are other writers doing the same. is increasingly outmoded as jobs, retail sales, and other CBD functions Like the index of dissimilarity, it can be derived from the Lorenz curve, and varies between 0.0 and 1.0, with 1.0 indicating maximum segregation. Some of the integration remedies that you propose in your book involve African Americans moving to higher-opportunity, majority white neighborhoods. So Ferguson simply became the displaced, segregated neighborhood of downtown St. Louis. There was a case that challenged the state of Texas’s policies for assigning Low-Income Housing Tax Credits, and things like that will be possible. So, [the] majority of people are going to be displaced, and the low-income housing advocates have typically not focused on this majority. majority members and majority exposure to minority members will be equal We should increase the program’s appropriation so that all eligible families receive a benefit. Massey and Denton derive from these two measures an index of relative clustering, which "compares the average distance between [minority] members...with the average distance between [majority] members" (Massey and Denton, p. 295). There’d be a few cases. Accordingly, we have defined an two basic, and related, measures of exposure are interaction and This is the one that we’ve left unaddressed, and we’ve left it unaddressed because we have deluded ourselves into thinking that, unlike all these other segregations, this one wasn’t government-created. There’s no way to do it. I’m not suggesting it won’t face enormous resistance. But, by and large, nobody today can say that, “my grandfather or great-grandfather was denied the opportunity to move to a single-family home by federal policy, therefore I have less inherited wealth than I otherwise would.” That’s not how our legal system works. By selecting this link you will leave www.census.gov. segregation. known as eta-squared. Formulas are from Massey and Denton (1988). It is impossible, no matter how much good housing you build in low-income communities, for example, to close the achievement gap in schools if you’re concentrating children with the lowest incomes in single schools. negative values indicate a tendency to live in outlying areas. The choice that we’ve made to so-called revitalize urban neighborhoods, or place-based strategies, as opposed to confronting the difficulty of integration is perpetuating the most serious social problems that we have in this country. It’s happened over the last 100 years—as urban neighborhoods become more attractive to affluent families, upper-middle class families, they seem to be integrated when the process of gentrification first begins, but as it proceeds, more and more low-income, primarily African-American residents are displaced to new segregated areas, usually [inner-ring] suburbs. The table below this one includes the categorical breakdown for the placement in SHU. The index varies from 0.0 to 1.0, where a score of 1.0 means that a group has achieved the maximum spatial concentration possible (all minority members live in the smallest areal units). It varies from 0.0 to 1.0. And therefore, there was no place they could go except to a couple of suburbs that had apartments that were willing to rent to minority families, or willing to accept Section 8 vouchers, [or] where low-income housing tax credit developments were placed. The About Huntsville. And I expect that you will see it in your lifetime. For example, the Low-Income Housing Tax Credits program is a Treasury Department subsidy, a tax credit, that’s administered by states in such a way that most of the low-income housing tax credit developments reinforce and exacerbate segregation because they’re primarily placed in already low-income segregated neighborhoods. What do you think about that? You can’t do it unless you have a zoning rule that prohibits the construction of anything but low-income housing in the neighborhood. The same thing is true of Section 8, the Housing Choice Voucher program. For example, if Congress or a state were to prohibit zoning ordinances that excluded anything but single-family homes on large lot sizes in suburbs, and part of the justification of that prohibition was an understanding of how racially explicit policies on the part of government created the homogeneity of these suburbs that the zoning ordinances are designed to protect, a prohibition on those zoning ordinances would be challenged in court.  And it would have to be defended in light of this history. By 1990, the legal barriers enforcing segregation had been replaced by decentralized racism, where whites pay more than Blacks to live in predominantly white areas.”3 Fairchild highlights the fact that residential segregation continued to characterize our neighborhoods even after the Fair Housing …
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